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Hong Kong Law Reform Commission |
4.1 We examine in this chapter to what extent could media intrusion
be effectively dealt with by the news media without outside
interference.
4.2 The news media comprises of the print and the
broadcast media. According to the Hong Kong Annual Report, they include
50 daily newspapers, 693 periodicals, two commercial television companies, a
subscription television service, a regional satellite television service, two
commercial radio stations, and one government radio-television
station.[229]
4.3 Although
the number of local newspapers actually sold is less than the figures recorded
in the registry set up under the Registration of Local Newspapers Ordinance, the
Hong Kong print media is nonetheless vigorous and highly competitive. At
present, readers have a choice of two major English-language dailies and more
than a dozen Chinese-language dailies.
4.4 The broadcast media is
regulated by the Broadcasting Authority under the Broadcasting Authority
Ordinance. The role of the Authority in the regulation of media intrusion will
be examined in Chapter 6.
4.5 The interests of various sectors of the Hong Kong news media are
represented by the following bodies:
“Under such circumstances, given the one-sided nature of evidence available, the HKJA has at times found it very difficult to come to a definite conclusion. We note that the media complain loudly if the government and large companies refuse to answer questions. Yet media organisations, despite their great influence on society, often refuse to abide by the same standards.”[235]
4.10 Even
if a journalist or news organisation is found guilty of unethical conduct, the
responsible organisation is not bound to publish the result of the adverse
ruling. A member of the Ethics Committee describes the complaints procedure of
the Association in the following terms:
“The HKJA’s mechanism of receiving and adjudicating on complaints is unique, because it is the only channel in Hong Kong by which members of the public can lodge complaints on media ethics. However, it may be too self-flattering to think that this mechanism enjoys modest success. In fact, our system is often considered to be highly ‘passive’, in that the HKJA simply waits for complaints. Some even say that our adjudications are ‘useless’ because the association has no power to discipline media workers or organisations for ethics violations. ... We would also like to stress that the HKJA has no interest whatsoever in playing the role of a ‘watchdog with teeth’. Indeed, we are totally against the idea of forming a statutory body with the power to discipline media workers or media organisations.”[236] (emphasis added)
4.11 Apart
from a Code of Ethics, the Association occasionally issues guidelines on
important issues. The Association explains that such guidelines are labelled as
“recommendations” because it wants “to avoid the impression
that the HKJA wished to impose its will on members.” The Chairman of the
Ethics Committee made it clear that the Association preferred a
non-confrontational approach “insofar as the union does not impose
standards on
journalists”.[237] It would
seem that the Association does not wish to force its members to comply with the
minimal standards it has set down, even in those areas where it has found that
it is necessary to regulate the conduct of its members.
4.12 As far as
members of the HKJA are concerned, a serious breach of the provisions of the
Code may, in theory, lead to expulsion from the Association. But since
membership of the Association is not compulsory for journalists, this sanction
will not have any effect on the contractual relationship between the expelled
member and his employer. In any event, in a poll of HKJA members on media
ethics, only 13% of the respondents supported the idea of “threaten[ing]
to expel unethical members” in a bid to improve ethical
standards.[238] The HKJA is
therefore playing an important but nevertheless limited role in regulating media
intrusion. The experience in the United Kingdom shows that a code drafted,
issued and enforced by the industry is unlikely to command the confidence of the
public.
4.13 The role played by other professional bodies in promoting
journalistic ethics is also limited. One of the objects of the Society of Hong
Kong Publishers is to enhance the professional standing of publishers in Hong
Kong, but news-gathering activities and reportage in newspapers and magazines
are not its major concerns. Besides, only a minority of local newspapers is
members of the Association.
4.14 The Newspaper Society of Hong Kong,
which represents most of the proprietors of Chinese- and English-language
newspapers, organises three major functions each year: a meeting to discuss the
pricing of newspapers, an annual ball, and the Best News Writing and Photography
Competition.[239] The maintenance
of journalistic ethics is not the major concern of the Society. Even if it were
anxious to maintain high journalistic standards, the fact that three mainstream
newspapers, i.e. Apple Daily, Oriental Daily News and The Sun are
not members of the Society makes any positive efforts undertaken by the Society
in the area of journalistic ethics of limited
consequence.[240]
4.15 As for other journalists associations, the newly formed Hong Kong
Federation of Journalists told us that they did not have any Code of Ethics for
their members. The prime concern of the News Executives’ Association and
the Hong Kong Press Photographers Association has been the preservation of press
freedom. The constitution of the Hong Kong Press Photographers Association does
contain two paragraphs under the heading of “Code of Ethics”. But
these provisions are more concerned with upholding press freedom than with
maintaining ethical standards among its
members.[241] They fail to offer
any guidance to press photographers as to how the conflict between press freedom
and individual privacy may be resolved in specific circumstances.
4.16 At the meeting of the LegCo Panel on Home Affairs held on 26 April
1999, a representative of the Press Photographers Association stated that the
Association could issue a letter or public statement criticising a newspaper for
publishing an offensive and objectionable picture in breach of professional
ethics. However, the newspaper might take legal action against the officers of
the Association if the letter or statement was issued. He said that since their
membership was small and they did not have much resources to defend legal action
taken by massive newspapers, the Association had not taken an active role in
promoting media ethics. The Chairperson of the HKJA concurred by saying that
adverse comments by a journalist about a newspaper might result in the newspaper
taking legal action against him. The comments made by the representative of the
Press Photographers Association and the Chairperson of the HKJA illustrate that
even if the news associations are willing to play an active role in restraining
intrusive practices, they will not, except in extreme cases, point their fingers
at a particular newspaper and hold it accountable for these practices lest it
will take legal action against members of the association in
retaliation.
4.17 A sizeable public outcry over media ethics emerged in
October 1998 over the television and press reports on the bizarre behaviour of
the widower of a woman who committed suicide by flinging herself to her death
after allegedly pushing her two sons from the balcony of a high-rise.
Television interviews made by entertainment program crews reported the widower
having no remorse over the tragic death of his wife. Later, Apple Daily
made a serial front page account of the man looking for women in Shenzhen, with
a photograph showing him embracing two women in bed. Subsequently, a large
number of complaints were made to various institutions including the
Broadcasting Authority, Television and Entertainment Licensing Authority, HKJA
and the media organisations concerned.
4.18 That incident did not
involve an intrusion upon the privacy of a living individual, as the widower
admitted consent on his part and further claimed that he freely sold these
details of his private life in return for money. The lament of the public
related to the general ethical standards of the media, such as chequebook
journalism and bad taste. One religious group went as far as urging the public
to boycott Apple Daily but as newsvendors reflected, the call had not
caused any impact on the sales of the newspaper. Subsequently, Apple Daily
published an apology admitting that the way they reported the story was
inappropriate. The effect of any individual boycott of a newspaper is marginal
because newspapers are complex packages of which only a portion might offend the
readers.[242]
4.19 In the
wake of the controversy, the HKJA organised a seminar to consider the moral
health of the media. Not unexpectedly, no solution was offered as to how to
improve and maintain a high ethical standard for the media, except to remind the
industry again to guard against any government attempt to intervene using
ethical issues as a pretext. Nonetheless, as more and more people expressed
their dissatisfaction with the professional and ethical standards of the media,
the Association announced in November 1998 that it was “attempting to set
up a [Media Ethics Forum] which could lobby for better ethics, offer education,
and handle public
complaints.”[243]
4.20 Subsequently,
the Broadcasting Authority fined Asia Television Ltd $100,000 and Television
Broadcasts Ltd $50,000 for their “exploitative” coverage of the
widower’s activities in Shenzhen. The Authority stated that Asia
Television Ltd “went to great lengths to provoke and prompt [the widower]
to dwell on his personal life, sexual needs, and his indifference towards the
death of his wife and two sons.” It ruled that such coverage was “a
very serious breach” of the provisions of the Commercial Television Code
of Practice on Programme Standards in relation to human
relationships.[244] Although the
television companies have been criticised and fined for their misconduct,
Apple Daily has neither been censured nor punished by any regulatory body
- there being no regulatory body monitoring the ethics of the press; nor is
there any industry-wide code of ethics applicable to the press.
4.21 At
the LegCo Panel meeting held in April 1999, the News Executives’
Association informed that they were drafting a Code of Ethics for Hong Kong
Journalists. They said they would consult news executives in various news
organisations and revise the draft after consultation. The revised draft would
then be published for comments by members of the profession, academics and
members of the public. Further revision would be made thereafter. A
representative of the Association admitted at the meeting that it was difficult
to reach a consensus in the industry. He pointed out that since market
considerations outweighed all other concerns, the industry might be unwilling to
abide by the requirements set out in the “gentleman’s
agreement”. He said that in that event, the Association might have to
give consideration to setting up a news council to receive complaints.
4.22 The World Association of Press Councils declares that
independent press councils can maintain and enhance the freedom and the
responsibility of the press. Its constitution stipulates, inter alia,
that a press council provides “a democratic, efficient and inexpensive
forum for the hearing of complaints against and by the press, and for
maintaining and assisting in the enhancement of its freedom, responsibility and
accountability”. [245] As
neither the Newspaper Society nor the Hong Kong Chinese Press Association
represents all newspapers in Hong Kong and both associations do not play a
significant role in the maintenance of journalistic ethics, a news council which
oversees and enforces an industry-wide code of practice on privacy matters might
be created to regulate media intrusion.
4.23 One of the main functions
of a news council is to prevent abuse of press freedom. It provides a mechanism
through which the standards of care and responsibility on the part of the news
media can be maintained without jeopardising freedom of the press.
Investigation and public condemnation of bad journalism by a news council would
contribute to higher professional standards. Citizens unwilling or unable
financially to bring proceedings against the media may hold the media
accountable by lodging a complaint with the council. Publishers and
broadcasters can also save legal fees and court costs. The public is more
likely to have a higher respect for journalism if the news organisations are
subject to the scrutiny of an independent body. Members of the public would be
more willing to assist journalists in gathering news. Furthermore, the industry
would attract more talented students to join the profession.
4.24 However, a voluntary news council may not be the most effective
means of reviewing and investigating media complaints. It may lack sufficient
funds to set up the complaints mechanism. If the public are represented in the
news council, some media organisations may be unwilling to participate and give
their support. Moreover, a voluntary body would not have power to compel
organisations to co-operate in complaint investigations. Nor can the
organisations be forced to abide by its determinations and publish the findings
with due prominence.
4.25 The idea of setting up a news council is not
new to Hong Kong. Indeed, the Hong Kong Journalists Association was in favour
of this idea in the early 1980’s. In 1985, Robin Hutcheon, then Chairman
of the Newspaper Society of Hong Kong, set up a preparatory committee to put
this idea into practice. He invited private individuals as well as journalists
to join the committee. Subsequently, he gave the chair to Hon Mr Justice Simon
Li who was then a judge of the Court of Appeal. This move was ill-received by
the industry. There were considerable misgivings about a committee which was
chaired by a person who had no experience of the industry and which was
comprised of members of the public as well as journalists. The industry
speculated that the Government was behind the move. In the face of opposition
from the industry, the committee decided to dissolve itself. The idea of
maintaining professional standards by means of a news council has remained
shelved since then.
4.26 The unsuccessful attempt to establish a news
council shows that some sections of the industry were unwilling to leave ethical
issues in the hands of a body which comprises members of the public. But the
experience in the United Kingdom indicates that a body established and dominated
by the industry which has press freedom as one of its avowed objects cannot be
relied upon to balance the interests of the industry and the individual’s
right to privacy.
4.27 Although many would think that journalists do not
want to have a body looking over their shoulders, there is hard evidence that
the majority of journalists in Hong Kong think that there is an urgent need to
have a press or news council. In a comprehensive survey conducted by three
academics at the Chinese University of Hong Kong in 1990, 58% of the 522
journalists surveyed considered that there was an “urgent” or
“very urgent” need to set up a press council. Only 9% said there
was no urgent need.[246] Although
Hong Kong Journalists Association expressed no objection to the setting up of a
press council in late 1980’s, it remained sceptical of this idea in the
run-up to the handover in 1997. In any event, the Association is against the
establishment of a statutory body with power to discipline journalists and media
organisations:
“we are totally against the idea of forming a statutory body with the power to discipline media workers or media organisations. Such a body, put in simple terms, could invite outside interference in an industry which should remain autonomous to the largest extent possible.”[247]
“We believe that it is better to take a decentralised approach, through the application of a code of ethics and the drawing up of related documents on specific ethical issues, for example, election coverage.”[248]
4.28 Subsequent
to the incident involving the widower, there have been calls for the
establishment, or at the least the consideration of the establishment of a news
council. The feasibility of establishing a media council has been discussed on
four episodes of Media Watch produced by the RTHK. At the Legislative
Council hearing in November 1998, the Chairman of the Hong Kong News
Executives’ Association stated that the Association “in principle
has nothing against [a media council] provided it is established on the media
industry’s initiative, without any government involvement
whatsoever.”[249] The
Chairperson of the HKJA also stated at the hearing that the Association did not
object to the idea of setting up of a media council in principle, but that
“any initiative or involvement on the part of government would be
unacceptable.”[250] Despite
such encouraging remarks, the industry has not taken any initiative to set up
such a council.
4.29 To be successful, a news council requires the
support and participation of the overwhelming majority of news organisations. A
major newspaper can spoil the whole scheme by not co-operating with the council
or giving minimal or no coverage to its adjudications. Bob Shaw, a founding
member of the 30-year-old Minnesota News Council in the US
says:[251]
“If the managing editor or publisher of the largest daily newspaper(s) in your area wants a council, ... or if the manager of your state’s newspaper association and significant members of his board want a council, it could work. If, on the other hand, a person outside the press wants to start a council and does not consult the press during the formative stage, that project, I believe, is doomed.”
4.30 Although
we would welcome the establishment of a voluntary news council in Hong Kong to
raise the ethical standards of the news media if there is any chance of success,
there is no reasonable prospect that one will be established in the foreseeable
future. Apple Daily, Oriental Daily News and The Sun are not
members of the Newspaper Society. In any event, the Newspaper Society is silent
on this subject. There are also no signs that the overwhelming majority of the
news organisations would give their whole-hearted support to the establishment
of a news council.
4.31 Given that Hong Kong does not have a news council,
self-regulation would, in the end, mean nothing more than asking journalists to
gather and report news in accordance with their conscience, or refer to the Code
of Ethics issued by the HKJA for guidance whenever they are caught in a
difficult position. Most newspapers exercise restraint when reporting
rapes, kidnapping cases and other major crimes. Where a complaint about
inaccuracies is received, the newspaper may publish a correction or apology. As
regards unfair coverage, it may be dealt with by publishing the complaints as
letters to the editor. However, as noted by a member of the Ethics Committee of
the HKJA, “There remains considerable scope for the media to
institutionalise letters to the editor pages. Some newspapers do not have
regular letters pages, and some of the more well-known publications are known to
have refused potentially controversial
correspondence.”[252]
4.32 The
Chairperson of the HKJA was reported as saying that the media’s
self-discipline and public monitoring would be more effective weapons against
intrusive press coverage.[253]
Others have argued that the press is primarily responsible to the readers for
their performance, not to any outside body. It is the job of the press to
uphold the standards of the industry. It should be up to the industry itself to
strike the balance between the duty owed to the publisher or broadcaster and the
interest of protecting an individual’s privacy from media intrusion. In
our opinion, this is a difficult if not impossible task, unless the industry has
an acceptable and enforceable code of practice which is binding on both
journalists and proprietors alike, or all proprietors are willing to incorporate
into the contracts of employment the provisions of a code of practice which is
acceptable to both the industry and the public. There are no signs of either of
these two scenarios becoming a reality in the foreseeable future.
4.33 One way to improve accountability of a news organisation is to
appoint an ombudsman. The task of a news ombudsman is to act as an arbitrator
and conciliator between the news organisation and its audience. He receives and
investigates complaints about the conduct of journalists. Some ombudsmen also
consider complaints about accuracy, fairness, balance and good taste in news
coverage. The duties of an ombudsman in a newspaper company may include the
following:[254]
a) to receive, investigate and reply to complaints from readers;
b) to supervise the preparation of corrections;
c) to monitor news and feature columns;
d) to write memoranda to management evaluating performance of reporters and editors;
e) to write internal newsletters about readers’ views; and
f) to write critical columns published in the newspaper.
4.34 A
news ombudsman helps to explain the newsgathering process to the public and
overcome the belief that the news media is arrogant and insensitive to public
concerns. The credibility of the news organisation concerned can thus be
improved. His presence in a news organisation also prods reporters and editors
to exercise more care and give more thought to their work. The Organisation of
News Ombudsmen articulates the reasons why a newspaper or broadcaster should
have an ombudsman:[255]
a) the quality of news reporting could be improved;
b) the newspaper or broadcaster would become more accessible and accountable to its readers or members of its audience;
c) its news professionals would be more aware about the public’s concerns;
d) time for publishers and senior editors, or broadcasters and news directors, could be saved by channelling complaints to one responsible individual; and
e) some complaints that might otherwise become costly law suits could be resolved.
4.35 In
the opinion of Charles Bailey, a former editor of the Minneapolis
Tribune, ombudsmen are better attuned to the public temper than editors
who are burdened with other professional and administrative duties. They help
reduce public hostility toward the press and increase understanding of how the
press functions. The ombudsman “helps his newspaper to be fair, and helps
persuade the public that it is
fair”.[256]
4.36 The
establishment of news ombudsmen to take up complaints and breaches of a Code of
Practice was supported by the Newspaper Publishers Association in the United
Kingdom.[257] However, the
Calcutt Committee was critical of such a scheme:
“However high his standards and however much independence he may be given to criticise, a readers’ representative cannot be, or be seen to be, wholly independent of the newspaper which employs him. This may reduce public confidence in him and hence his effectiveness. His role in preventing unjustified intrusions into privacy is likely to be limited to criticising them after the event. By then any damage has already been done. Furthermore, he can only advise or exhort: the final say about what should be published rests with the editor.”[258]
4.37 Robert
Haiman, president of the Poynter Institute for Media Studies, holds the same
view. He thinks that what journalists need is more systematic and independent
criticism from the outside, not more criticism from their peers. The ombudsman
is an insider, despite attempts to foster his
independence.[259] Cliff Bale, a
veteran Hong Kong journalist, noted that this option might be difficult for the
newspapers to accept because there would be a financial cost involved.
Nonetheless, he conceded that this could, in the long run, become the most
effective way to prove that media organisations are fully accountable to the
public.[260]
4.38 According
to our understanding, Next Magazine was the first and only media
organisation in Hong Kong which had appointed a news ombudsman. Kenneth W Y
Leung, associate professor of the Department of Journalism and Communication in
the Chinese University of Hong Kong, was appointed by the magazine to
investigate and comment on complaints lodged against the magazine. His comments
were posted on the website of the Nextmedia
Group.[261] After inviting the
journalists concerned to respond, he replied to the complaint and gave his own
comments on the issues involved - some of which were critical of the magazine.
This experiment was discontinued in September 1998. The publisher explained
that “in over a year, we had less than 10
complaints.”[262]
4.39 Despite
the inherent limitations stated above, we support the appointment of ombudsmen
by news organisations. However, news ombudsmen are no substitute for scrutiny
from the outside. We believe that it is only through an independent body that
the news media can be made accountable to the
public.[263]
4.40 Yuen Ying Chan, senior consultant for journalism and media
studies at the University of Hong Kong, observes that the following elements of
a free press are lacking in Hong
Kong:[264]
“One of the features which distinguishes professions from other groupings is that the former have criteria and procedures for admission to membership, and disciplinary procedures and measures (including the withdrawal of the right to practise), which are designed to impose and uphold standards of ethics and responsibility which protect those with whom the professional has to deal. Until journalism adopts a professional organisation of this sort, its claim to be free of regulation in the public interest will always be suspect.”[267]
4.45 It
has been suggested that criticism from other newspapers is effective in ensuring
that the press complies with the ethical standards of the news media. This
suggestion appears to be out of touch with reality. Take Ming Pao Daily News
as an example. Its editorial board occasionally receives letters from its
readers complaining about the conduct of other newspapers. But the
board’s stance is that Ming Pao Daily News will not handle such
complaints. One of its editors declares that Ming Pao Daily News is not
an ombudsman and that it has no wish to turn itself into an enemy of other
newspapers.[268] He says:
“the fact that readers [send in the complaints] reflects that they are dissatisfied with the conduct of the media but could find no avenues to voice their grievances. To avoid being accused of infringing press freedom, the Government dare not regulate even the publication of Guide to Call Girls Service in newspaper columns, and allow such publications to continue corrupting the morals of our teenagers. Since members of the Legislative Council want to attract more publicity, they also dare not antagonise the media; thus leaving the responsibility to speak out for the public, to the media which fails to live up to people’s expectation.”[269]
4.46 We
shall examine in the next chapter whether and to what extent the existing
framework established under the Personal Data (Privacy) Ordinance can be
utilised to regulate media intrusion.
[229] Hong Kong - A New
Era: A Review of 1997 (HK: Information Services Department,
1998).
[230] One of the
objects of the Hong Kong Chinese Press Association is to promote the press
industry in Hong Kong. The majority of its members have a special interest in
covering horse-racing
news.
[231] The Society
maintains a group of local publishers and local representatives of foreign
publishers in the newspaper and magazine industry. It works to establish
standards and guidelines for publishers relating to quality control, auditing,
circulation and
advertising.
[232] The Foreign
Correspondents’ Club provides social facilities to its members and
organises a range of professional activities, including news
conferences.
[233] J M Chan, P
S N Lee & C C Lee (1996), above,
45.
[234] But note that
the Committee made the following statement in November 1998: “The HKJA
plans to publish all the complaints it receives, subject to consent from
complainants. The aim is not to embarrass any media outlet. Indeed we
discourage any attempt to analyse these complaints to find which outlets are
more ethical than others.” HKJA Ethics Committee, “Media Ethics:
The HKJA Mechanism”, 22 November 1998, p
1.
[235] HKJA Ethics
Committee, “Media Ethics: The HKJA Mechanism”, 22 November 1998, p
3; FONG So, “Media Ethics: The HKJA Mechanism” in HKJA 28th
Anniversary (1996),
30-31.
[236] FONG So,
“Media Ethics: The HKJA Mechanism” in HKJA 28th Anniversary
(1996), 28.
[237] C Bale,
“Journalistic Ethics - The Rights and Wrongs”, in HKJA 25th
Anniversary (1993),
51.
[238] HKJA Press Release,
22 November 1998.
[239] Not
much publicity has been given to the contest because only newspapers whose
journalist has won an award would report the
event.
[240] The HKJA reported
in 1998 that Apple Daily and Oriental Daily News shared about 70%
of total newspaper readership in Hong Kong: HKJA and ARTICLE 19, Questionable
Beginnings - Freedom of expression in Hong Kong one year after the handover to
China (1998), at 34. It reports that a survey conducted by AC Nielsen shows
that Apple Daily and Oriental Daily News had an average daily
readership of 1,917,000 and 1,891,000 in February 1998 respectively. See HKJA
and ARTICLE 19, above, at
35.
[241] The section
provides: “1. The HKPPA acknowledges the public’s right to freedom
in searching for the truth and the right to be informed through the use of
pictures. 2. The HKPPA believes that photographers should at all times maintain
the highest standards of ethical conduct and strive to maintain freedom of the
press and access to all sources of news and visual
information.”
[242]
Thomas Gibbons, Regulating the Media (London: Sweet & Maxwell,
1998), pp 46-48 (arguing that the mere possibility of market transactions should
not be allowed to dictate the regulatory
approach).
[243] HKJA Press
Release, 22 November
1998.
[244] Paragraph 5(h) of
the Code states: “The portrayal of family and similarly important human
relationships and the presentation of any material with sexual connotations
shall be treated with sensitivity and not in an exploitative or irresponsible
manner. Respect shall be maintained for the sanctity of marriage and the
importance of the home.
...”
[245] At
<http://www.presscouncil.org.au/pcsite/wapc/const.html> (18.1.99). The
Association has 17 members in
1998.
[246] J M Chan, P S N
Lee & C C Lee, Hong Kong Journalists: A Summary of the Survey Findings
(c. 1991), para 4 and table 19. The following are the results shown in
table 19: Very Urgent (22%); Urgent (36%); Doesn’t Matter (23%); No Urgent
Need (7%); Not Urgent At All (2%); No Opinion (10%). Although the survey
included questions on the need to have a code of ethics and a news council for
the press in Hong Kong, J M Chan et al do not reveal the findings in
their book published in
1996.
[247] FONG So,
“Media Ethics: The HKJA Mechanism” in HKJA 28th Anniversary
(1996), 28.
[248] FONG So,
“Growing Awareness of Media Ethics” in HKJA 27th Anniversary
(1995), 20. The HKJA conducted a poll of its members on media ethics in
October 1998. There were 178 responses representing a response rate of 27%.
When asked what should be done on ethical issues, only 20% of the respondents
supported the idea of “urg[ing] the government to set up a Press Council
with powers to fine
newspapers”.
[249]
Raymond R Wong, “Statement to LegCo Panel on Home Affairs – Special
Meeting on Wednesday, Nov 25, 1998”. He said that the council’s
membership would include representatives from the media, “news
consumers’ ombudsmen” and academics. He stressed that the function
of the Council is not to set standards and codes of practice “as the
individual media organisation would be more appropriate to do this
themselves.”
[250]
South China Morning Post, 16 Nov
1998.
[251] B Shaw, “How
to Start a News Council”, at <http://www.mtn.org/newscncl/General/Shaw.
html> (4.5.98), p 3.
[252]
C Bale, “Media Ethics: Press Council Overkill?” in HKJA 26th
Anniversary (1994),
23.
[253] Hong Kong
Standard, 8 September
1997.
[254] E B Lambeth,
Committed Journalism (Indiana University Press, 2nd edn, 1992),
114.
[255] ONO, “The
Organisation of News Ombudsmen”, at
<http://www5.infi.net/ono/intro.html> (4.5.98), p
1.
[256] C W Bailey,
“Newspapers need ombudsmen”, Washington Journalism Review,
November 1990, p 32.
[257] See
the Declaration issued by the Association in
1989.
[258] Report of the
Committee on Privacy and Related Matters (London: HMSO, Cm 1102, 1990), para
13.14.
[259] R J Haiman, panel
discussion, American Society of Newspaper Society Convention, 22 April 1981,
Washington, DC. His arguments are summarised in: E B Lambeth,
115.
[260] C Bale,
“Media Ethics: Press Council Overkill?” in HKJA 26th
Anniversary (1994),
23.
[261] At
<http://www.nextmedia.com.hk/mn>.
[262]
Quoting Yeung Wai Hong; in Frank Ching, “Learning Self-Control –
Hong Kong’s media are torn between ethics and profits”, Far
Eastern Economic Review, 17 Dec 1998, at
25.
[263] The National
Heritage Committee of the House of Commons in the UK suggested that a regulatory
level was needed beyond that of a Press Commission. It recommended that a
statutory Press Ombudsman be appointed with power to investigate complaints
submitted to the Press Commission whose outcome was not satisfactory to one of
the parties. He would also have a right to institute investigations where no
complaint had been made. The Ombudsman would have authority to require the
publication of corrections, retractions or apologies and, where appropriate, to
supervise their wording. He would also have authority to order the payment of
compensation to those affected by breaches of the Code and to impose a fine on
publications which are responsible for flagrant or persistent breaches of the
Code. Where a newspaper refuses to pay a fine or compensation, the Ombudsman
would be able to seek a court order requiring it to be paid. A newspaper which
dissents from the Ombudsman’s decision would be entitled to ask the court
to discharge the order. We think that it is unnecessary to consider the
creation of a statutory news ombudsman at this
stage.
[264] Y Y Chan,
“Building the Infrastructure for a Free Press in Hong Kong”, 26 Jan
1999.
[265] International
Commission for the Study of Communication Problems, Many Voices One World
(Chairman: Sean MacBride SC) (UNESCO, 1980).
[266] “No obvious media
censorship: poll”, South China Morning Post, 15 June
1998.
[267] D Feldman,
Civil Liberties and Human Rights in England and Wales (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1993), 590.
[268] Tai
Wu-tsz, “Ming Pao Daily News is Not an Ombudsman”, 23 Nov
1998, D6.
[269] Above.