HKLII

Hong Kong Law Reform Commission

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Chapter 3 - Arguments for and against the raising of the minimum age of criminal responsibility in Hong Kong


Introduction


3.1 As we have seen, while the minimum age of criminal responsibility in Hong Kong is fixed at seven years, the operation of the rebuttable presumption of doli incapax in respect of children between the ages of seven and fourteen means that such children will not be criminally liable unless the prosecution can prove that they knew at the time they committed the offence that their conduct was seriously wrong. There is, in effect, an intermediate stage through which a child passes when the full rigours of the criminal justice system are not automatically applied to him, even though he has attained the minimum age of criminal responsibility. Any adjustment to the minimum age of criminal responsibility will obviously affect the number of children who fall within this category and the question of the minimum age and the application of the rebuttable presumption of doli incapax are closely linked.

3.2 We consider in the next chapter whether it is desirable to maintain the rebuttable presumption of doli incapax or whether this should be abolished altogether, as has recently been done in England. In this chapter we confine ourselves to the question of the minimum age of criminal responsibility and set out the arguments for and against change. There have been no suggestions in Hong Kong that the age should be lowered; in setting out the arguments for and against change in the following paragraphs we are therefore concerned only with proposals that the minimum age should be raised.

Arguments in favour of retaining the age of 7 years as the minimum age of criminal responsibility

Minimises exploitation of children by adult criminals


3.3 One of the most cogent arguments in favour of preserving the present minimum age is the concern that raising the minimum age would widen the pool of young children available for exploitation by undesirable characters. The higher the minimum age is fixed, the greater will be the number of children exempt from prosecution, thus enlarging the number of “more mature” young children capable of exploitation by adult criminals. Indeed, the fear that children above the age of seven were old enough to be used by criminals for unlawful purposes was the principal reason for the rejection by the Legislative Council in 1973 of a proposal in the Juvenile Offenders (Amendment) Bill (the Bill) to raise the minimum age of criminal responsibility to ten. In the second reading of the Bill, Mr Woo Pak-chuen raised the following objections to the proposed increase in the minimum age of criminal responsibility:

“Mr Woo: - Sir, my Unofficial colleagues and I have given anxious consideration to the increase in the minimum age of criminal responsibility proposed in clause 4 of this bill. Our conclusion is that this change would be most undesirable in the present circumstance of Hong Kong.

It is arguable whether a child of 7, 8, or 9 years of age is capable of carrying out an act with criminal intent. But leaving this question aside we consider that children of those ages are old enough to be used by criminals for unlawful purposes. Members of this Council will no doubt recall that there have been reports of racketeers using such young children to carry drug packets. To raise the minimum age therefore we may play into the hands of those who would use young children as safe pawns in furtherance of their own vile rackets.

My Unofficial colleagues and I are of the opinion that the minimum age of criminal responsibility should remain, at least for the time being, unchanged. I shall accordingly move an amendment to clause 4 of the bill at the Committee Stage, the effect of which will be to restore that age from 10 years to 7 years.

THE ATTORNEY GENERAL (MR ROBERTS): - Sir, in view of the anxiety expressed by the honourable Member, the Government will not oppose the amendment which he proposes to make at the Committee Stage.”[30]


Similar concerns were expressed in the UN Report submitted in 1996 on behalf of the Hong Kong Government to the Committee on the Rights of the Child of the United Nations:

“Organised crime syndicates could conceivably exploit a rise in the age at which a child would be liable to prosecution by coercing or employing young children to act as thieves or drug-runners in the knowledge that they could not be prosecuted. The higher the age of criminal responsibility, the easier it would be for gangsters to exploit children.”[31]


It should be pointed out, however, that where it could be proved that an adult had instigated criminal conduct by a child, the existing criminal law would allow the adult to be prosecuted as a principal.

Greater maturity of present day children


3.4 It has been suggested that the enhanced educational opportunities for children (not least through the increased availability of knowledge through the media and the internet) mean that children nowadays have acquired a greater degree of social maturity than their counterparts in the past; and are thus capable of distinguishing right from wrong at a young age.

3.5 In Hong Kong, most children begin their kindergarten education at the early age of three or four. School attendance is compulsory for those between the ages of six and 15. Under the “General Guidelines on Moral Education in Schools” promulgated by the Education Department, schools are required not only to provide for their students academic training, but are also tasked to develop in them:

“... reflective and critical thinking, moral attitudes and social values. Pupils are provided with opportunities to practise moral values and make moral decisions under teachers’ guidance.”[32]


3.6 On these premises, it is argued that since children would have received some four years of formal education (two years in kindergarten and another two years in primary schooling) by the age of seven years; they must by then have had inculcated in them the notion of “right” and “wrong”, as well as the necessary “moral attitudes” and “social values” essential for their recognition that a certain act is a “serious wrong” in the ordinary sense of the term. This contrasts with the era where opportunity for education was more limited; and social maturity in children accordingly came at a later stage of their infancy, thus justifying the deferral of the imposition of criminal responsibility.

Children are no longer subject to draconian penalties


3.7 A principal reason for the development of the common law rules on criminal responsibility was to avoid the necessity of imposing on children the harsh penalties which applied to transgressions of the criminal law in medieval times. Hence, the fixing of a minimum age of criminal responsibility was coupled with the rebuttable presumption of doli incapax in respect of children between seven and fourteen. Draconian penalties are now consigned to history, and there is no reason to seek to raise the age of criminal responsibility to protect children from inappropriate punishment.

3.8 The UN Report argues that the Juvenile Offenders Ordinance (Cap. 226) (the JOO) “adequately protects children from the full penalties of the law as they apply to adults....[33] Under section 3A of the JOO, a Juvenile Court presided over by a permanent magistrate shall have jurisdiction to hear and determine a charge against a child or a young person of any offence other than homicide. Although the procedure adopted in the Juvenile Court is basically identical to that in ordinary courts, special allowances are permitted to cater for the age and maturity of the particular child defendant. Moreover, when a child is found guilty of an offence in the Juvenile Court, the presiding magistrate, in considering what should be the appropriate sentence to be imposed, may take advice from two members of the Juvenile Courts Advisory Panel. These persons are well-versed in what should be the appropriate methods for dealing with juvenile offenders.

3.9 The range of sentences which may be imposed on children and young persons are deliberately restricted with a view to encouraging rehabilitation rather than punishment of these offenders. This principle is enshrined in section 11 of the JOO:

“(1) No child shall be sentenced to imprisonment or committed to prison in default of payments of a fine, damages, or costs.

(2) No young person shall be sentenced to imprisonment if he can be suitably dealt with in any other way.”


In addition, under section 15 of the JOO, various sentencing alternatives to imprisonment are provided for children and young persons for the purposes of rehabilitation through counselling, discipline and training. These methods include: the provision of care and protection under section 34 of the Protection of Children and Juveniles Ordinance (Cap. 213) (the PCJO); the paying of a fine, damages or costs either by the offender or parent or guardian of the offender; the ordering of the parent or guardian of the offender to give security for his good behaviour; the committing of the offender to custody in a place of detention; and “dealing with the case in any other manner in which it may be legally dealt with” (section 15(1)(n) of the JOO). In addition, where a child or a young person is tried by any court for any offence and the court is satisfied of the person’s guilt, the court may nevertheless dismiss the charge by virtue of section 15(1)(a) of the JOO. This discretion is widely exercised by magistrates in the juvenile courts. Before exercising this discretion, the magistrate would usually take into consideration all the relevant circumstances, including the seriousness of the offence and the background of the child or young person in question. Usually, a probation officer’s report or a report from the Social Welfare Department are called for to assist in the court’s better understanding of the person’s background. Once the charge is dismissed under this section, no conviction record would be entered against the person.

3.10 The following are the common options generally available to courts for the purposes of rehabilitating young offenders between seven and fourteen years of age:

(i) A Probation Order

Under the Probation of Offenders Ordinance (Cap 298), a probation order can be made against an offender of any age group. It has a maximum duration of three years. Within the probation period, regular meetings with the probation officer are required for counselling. The probation officer can also direct the offender in terms of work, study, and residence. For young offenders under the age of 16 years, they may be required under the probation order to reside in a probation home during some of the probation period where they are required to undergo a five-hour academic or pre-vocational training each day, on top of a two-hour group training on weekdays. In addition, with a view to cultivating a sense of civic responsibility amongst these youngsters, the residents are required to provide community service to the elderly and the disabled.

(ii) A Reformatory School Order

Under the Reformatory Schools Ordinance (Cap 225), the court may order offenders below 16 years of age to be detained in reformatory schools. One of the major purposes of these school is to remove young offenders from undesirable influences, and so enhance the chance of successful rehabilitation. The maximum period of “in-home” training is three years where academic and pre-vocational training are provided. Participation in community service programmes is also arranged for the purposes of cultivating a sense of civic responsibility.

(iii) The Community Support Service Scheme

The scheme was introduced by the Social Welfare Department and two non-Government organisations with the purpose of reactivating young persons’ interest in school or in work, and to develop their social skills. The scheme operates as an added support to those who are subject to probation orders, reformatory school orders or who have been cautioned under the Police Superintendents’ Discretionary Scheme.


3.11 This outline of the sentencing options available to the courts is provided to support the argument that present day sentences on children and young persons are aimed at rehabilitation rather than retribution and do not warrant a raising of the minimum age of criminal responsibility. It is not the intention of this paper to go further into a detailed examination of the broader juvenile justice system of Hong Kong, nor consider other sentencing options such as orders for the detention of young offenders to Detention Centres, Training Centres, Drug Addiction Treatment Centres as these sentencing options are mainly designed for those at or above the age of 14 years.

Enables delinquent behaviour to be nipped in the bud


3.12 It follows that as the options available to a court of law in dealing with young offenders focusing mainly on rehabilitation, the raising of the minimum age of criminal responsibility would have the negative effect that it would remove children from the safety net of these rehabilitation measures until they were older and therefore more likely to have established a pattern of delinquent behaviour. Attempts at rehabilitation may prove less successful where such behaviour has become established.

Adequate existing provision to limit prosecution of children under ten


3.13 It is argued by those in favour of raising the present minimum age of criminal responsibility that children in their formative years should not be made subject to criminal proceedings as the trauma caused may be damaging. It is thus suggested that seven years is too young an age for court proceedings as well as too young an age for criminal sanctions.
3.14 In response, it can be argued that under the existing prosecution policy, special allowances have been made for offenders aged between seven and ten years. It is pointed out in the Report to the UN[34] that in reaching a decision as to whether or not to prosecute a particular case, the prosecuting authority would take into consideration a range of factors including:

  • the seriousness of the alleged offence;

  • the age, apparent maturity and mental capacity of the child;

  • the efficacy of available alternatives to prosecution (such as a Police Superintendent’s discretionary power to issue a caution);

  • the sentencing options available to the Juvenile Court;

  • the child’s family circumstances; the child’s antecedents; and

  • the question of whether a prosecution would be harmful or inappropriate.

    Indeed, most of these considerations have been included in the prosecution policy guidelines issued by the Department of Justice as guidance for Government Counsel when considering the institution or continuation of criminal proceedings. The guidelines provide, inter alia, that:

    “It is a long standing statutory requirement that the Courts shall have regard to the welfare of the juvenile appearing before them, in criminal as in civil proceedings. It is accordingly necessary that, in deciding whether or not the public interest requires a prosecution, the welfare of the juvenile should be fully considered as well as the provisions of section 109A of the Criminal Procedure Ordinance, Chapter 221 which restricts sentences of imprisonment of persons between 16 and 21 years of age.

    There may be positive advantages for the individual and for society in using prosecution as a last resort. In general there is, in the case of juvenile offenders, a much stronger presumption in favour of methods of disposal which fall short of prosecution unless the seriousness of the offence or other exceptional circumstances dictate otherwise. The objective should be to divert juveniles from court wherever possible. Prosecution should always be regarded as a severe step.

    It will never be right to prosecute a juvenile solely to secure access to the welfare powers of the court. Where Government Counsel thinks that there may be grounds for care proceedings and that this might better serve the public interest and welfare of the individual, he should invite the police to put this possibility to the Social Welfare Department.

    In deciding whether or not the public interest warrants the prosecution of a juvenile regard should be had to such of the factors set out below:

    (i) the seriousness of the alleged offence;
    (ii) the age and apparent maturity and mental capacity of the juvenile;
    (iii) the available alternatives to prosecution, particularly a Police Superintendent’s discretion power to issue a caution to juveniles, and their efficacy;
    (iv) the sentencing options available to the relevant Juvenile Court if the matter were to be prosecuted;
    (v) the juvenile’s family circumstances particularly whether the parents of the juvenile appear able and prepared to exercise effective discipline and control over the juvenile;
    (vi) the juvenile’s antecedents, including the circumstances of any previous caution the juvenile may have been given, and whether they are such as to indicate that a less formal disposal of the present matter would be inappropriate; and
    (vii) whether a prosecution would be likely to be harmful to the juvenile or be inappropriate, having regard to such matters as the personality of the juvenile and his or her family circumstances.”[35]


    3.15 One of the most frequently used alternatives to criminal prosecution in dealing with an arrested person below the age of 18 is to administer a caution under the Police Superintendents’ Discretion Scheme (the PSDS). Under this scheme, a police officer of or above the rank of Superintendent may exercise his or her discretion not to prosecute an offender under 18 years of age, but instead to administer a caution. However, before a decision in favour of a caution can be made, the police officer must be satisfied that:

  • the offender is under 18 years of age at the time when the caution is administered;

  • the offender has no previous criminal record;

  • the evidence available is sufficient to support a prosecution;

  • the offender voluntarily and unequivocally admits the offence; and

  • the offender and his parents or guardian have agreed to the caution.

    The seriousness of the offence is understandably one of the most significant considerations. Depending on the circumstances, the Superintendent may (subsequent to the caution) make an order for the Juvenile Protection Service (JPS) of the Police to pay follow-up visits to the cautioned person; or may instead refer the person to the Social Welfare Department, Education Department, and/or Community Support Services Scheme through JPS for professional after care measures.

    3.16 The combined effect of the prosecution policy to which we referred earlier and the range of alternatives to formal court proceedings which are available is that young offenders under the age of 18 years (and particularly below those below the age of ten) are diverted to non-court processes whenever possible. To illustrate this point, according to information provided by the Police[36], a total of 8,810 persons below 18 years of age were arrested for various criminal offences in 1997. Of these, 4,802 (54.5%) were eligible for the PSDS. Of those eligible for the scheme, a total of 3,265 persons were not prosecuted, but were cautioned under the PSDS instead. This gives a caution rate of 68% out of those eligible for the PSDS. Figures on recidivism[37] confirm the scheme to be a success, as a great majority of juvenile offenders who have been diverted from court proceedings through the PSDS have refrained from committing further criminal offences during the monitoring period. Of the total number of persons cautioned and dealt with under the PSDS for criminal cases, the recidivist rate for the years 1993 to 1995 is 14.3%, 15.7% and 17.7% respectively.

    3.17 It is argued that, since measures have been designed to ensure that very young children would not be subject to indiscriminate prosecution, the present minimum age should be retained so that community interests could be safeguarded by retaining the formal prosecution option for the rare cases where a serious crime is committed by a young child.

    Essential for the prosecution of more serious crimes


    3.18 It can be argued that the preservation of the power to prosecute children between the ages of seven and 14 is an essential instrument through which serious challenges to law and order by young delinquents can be effectively dealt with. While instances of such conduct may be rare, it is necessary to retain the option of formal prosecution in the most serious cases. As we have seen, existing prosecution policy ensures that this power is used sparingly, but exceptional cases may require its use. One such was the Bulger case in England, where James Bulger was killed by two boys who were aged ten at the time of the offence and were 11 years of age when tried.

    3.19 Statistical data provided by the Police on the number of persons aged between seven and 14 years arrested in the period 1993 to 1997 make clear that, while only a very small number of children below aged between seven and ten are arrested for serious offences such as robbery or burglary, such cases do occur. The statistics are at Tables 1 to 5 at Annex 1. The number of persons arrested for breaking the law increases proportionally to age, and it is not unusual for children aged between 12 and 14 years to be arrested for serious offences such as indecent assault, wounding, serious assault, criminal intimidation, robbery, burglary, criminal damage. It is therefore argued that, although the number of occasions when children of seven may be involved in serious criminal conduct are few, such cases do arise and justify the retention of the present minimum age to provide the necessary power to deal with children and young persons whose acts amount to serious challenges to the law and order of the community.

    The rebuttable presumption of doli incapax adequately protects children between the ages of 7 and 14


    3.20 In answer to the suggestion that it is inappropriate to subject children as young as seven years of age to the formal prosecution process, it can be argued that the existing rebuttable presumption of doli incapax operates to protect children aged between seven and 14 years from the full force of criminal responsibility. Only those children within the age-group who can be proved to know that their conduct amounted to a serious wrong will be held criminally responsible for their acts. Where such knowledge cannot be established because of the child’s immaturity, a prosecution will not succeed. The existing law therefore enables criminal sanctions to be applied to young children who are aware of the nature of their conduct, while protecting from prosecution those of a similar age who have not yet reached a sufficient level of maturity.

    Arguments in favour of raising the minimum age of criminal responsibility from seven to a higher age


    3.21 Those who argue in favour of raising of the minimum age of criminal responsibility propose a number of different ages as the new minimum. There is, however, no strong suggestion that the minimum age of criminal responsibility should be fixed at an age higher than 14 years. It appears to be generally accepted that in modern society a child aged 14 or above should be mentally mature enough to be accountable for his or her deeds. This leads to the generally recognised notion that the criminal liability of a person at or above the age of 14 should be the same as those who are 20, 30 or 40, although the sentence imposed on a 14 year old would take into consideration the young age of the offender. This, however, goes to mitigation and not to responsibility. With that in mind, the arguments which follow in favour of a raising of the age of criminal responsibility assume that any new minimum would not exceed 14 years of age.

    A seven year old child is too young to appreciate the gravity of his actions


    3.22 One of the most forceful arguments put forward by those in favour of raising the present minimum age of criminal responsibility in Hong Kong is that the age was set at a time when there was no scientific basis for the assertion, albeit rebuttable, that a seven year old child was capable of appreciating that his acts were seriously wrong. Indeed, as stated earlier, the age of seven years was arbitrarily fixed by the courts in late medieval England. In the light of modern knowledge of child psychology and human development, the situation is unsatisfactory. Those proficient in these fields argue that a child of seven is unable to appreciate whether particular conduct amounts to a serious wrong. Indeed, it is argued that a young child’s entanglement in crime makes him more a “victim” than a perpetrator of the offences alleged.

    3.23 This paper does not pretend to present a detailed description of the various theories of child psychology and human development, and can at best provide only a limited outline of views expressed by leading psychologists which are relevant to the question of whether the present minimum age is appropriate.

    3.24 The concepts of “good” and “ bad”; “right” and “wrong” are essentially culturally based. What is “right” for one particular culture might not be “right” for another cultural setting. A person’s concept of “right” and “wrong” is acquired through learning or socialisation within the cultural setting in which the person is raised. It follows that a decision to do “right” or “wrong” is an exercise of moral judgment which reflects the established laws, social norms, rules and convention of the cultural setting. According to Lawrence Kohlberg, a leading American psychologist specialising in moral development, moral judgment and reasoning are developed in three distinct levels which can be further sub-divided into six different stages. In the “preconventional level” (level 1) which is generally believed to include children between the ages of four and ten years, Kohlberg argues that observance of rules and regulations is mainly based on a desire to avoid punishment. In the “conventional level” (level 2) which is generally believed to include children between the ages of ten and 13 years, Kohlberg believes that children at the lower end of this age-group are conforming to the generally acceptable norms and rules with an intent to avoid disapproval or dislike of others. As they grow older within this age bracket, children begin to conform for the purposes of avoiding sanctions by legitimate authorities and findings of guilt as a result of breaking the law. At adolescence at around 13 years of age, the child proceeds to what Kohlberg has termed the “postconventional stage” (level 3) where conformity to the law is motivated by the desire to maintain and preserve community welfare.

    3.25 Kohlberg’s theory suggests that conformity by a child under the age of 13 to rules and commands is generally motivated by a desire to avoid punishment or disapproval, rather than by an awareness that the conduct is seriously wrong. It is therefore argued that it is wrong to subject a child of seven to the consequences of criminal proceedings on the basis that he might be capable of appreciating the nature of his conduct. It can further be argued that even if a child of nine or ten is able to tell “right” from “wrong”; it is doubtful whether he would be able to appreciate an act to be a serious wrong. The inappropriateness of imposing criminal liability on a young child has been expressed as follows:

    “It seems ridiculous to say that, at the age of 10, when it is probably somebody else who chooses which clothes you wear, what you eat and where you go, a child should be held accountable for what it does in the same way that an autonomous and independent adult should be. The distinction between adult and child is blurred-and in the process, the real meaning of being independent and responsible is lost.”[38]


    3.26 Kohlberg’s findings should be treated with some caution in a Hong Kong context, as they were based on studies in the USA. There have been no credible studies of Asian children of which we are aware. Some studies have suggested that Asian adults are controlled by external values (such as a fear of retribution, or a loss of face) rather than an internal set of moral values. Regardless of racial background, it would appear that science is inconclusive as to the age at which a child clearly perceives right from wrong.

    Unfair to require a seven year old child to stand trial


    3.27 The nature of the trial process means that a young child will be placed at a severe disadvantage in conducting his defence, as compared to an adult defendant. That disadvantage may be so significant as to negate the possibility of a fair trial. The inability of a young child to cope with the daunting experience of going to court, or to comprehend the proceedings, may mean that he is neither able to appreciate advice given to him by his legal representative nor provide proper and well-reasoned instructions. This must inevitably affect adversely the child’s interests at the trial. Indeed, the trial in England of the two 11 year old boys charged with the killing of James Bulger prompted the following comment:

    “... most foreign commentators were amazed that children of this age should be dealt with by an adult-style Crown Court criminal trial. Many observers questioned whether such young children were really able to comprehend the complexities of a lengthy criminal prosecution and trial; whether they should have appeared in the full glare of media coverage of Crown Court proceedings; whether they understood all the issues and language used, in order to give clear instructions as necessary; whether their decision not to give evidence arose from fear of speaking in such a public forum; and whether it was right to lift reporting restriction after conviction, thereby allowing their names and photographs to be widely published with the difficulties which this would pose for their eventual rehabilitation.”[39]


    Undesirable to impose the stigma of conviction on a child


    3.28 Apart from being unfair and inappropriate to subject a seven year old child to the traumatic and confusing experience of appearing in court, another undesirable effect of prosecuting and convicting a young child is the fact that he will bear the stigma for the rest of his life for wrongs committed at a young age. On conviction, the child will be left with a criminal record which may adversely affect him in later life, whether in respect of overseas studies, career development or emigration. A conviction early in life may serve to alienate the child from society and prompt him to a life of anti-social conduct.

    Other jurisdictions have higher minimum age of criminal responsibility


    3.29 Our examination in Chapter 2 of the minimum ages of criminal responsibility in other jurisdictions reveals that Hong Kong is in a minority in imposing criminal responsibility at the age of seven. The trend is towards a raising of the age of criminal responsibility, and that trend has been emphasised by the recommendation by the UN Committee that Hong Kong should review its present minimum age with a view to raising it. The majority of other jurisdictions adopt a higher minimum age, and it is argued that Hong Kong should reflect developments in other common law jurisdictions by raising the minimum age of criminal responsibility.

    Better education does not necessarily guarantee a greater readiness to distinguish right from wrong


    3.30 Those favouring retention of the existing age of criminal responsibility argue that better education opportunities in Hong Kong through compulsory school attendance for children between the ages of six and 15 have rendered present day children more mature, and they are thus capable of distinguishing right from wrong at an early age. In response, those arguing for a raising of the age claim that better education does not necessarily guarantee a greater ability in young children to distinguish right from wrong. This observation was further elaborated by Lord Lowry in the House of Lords’ decision in C (A Minor) v DPP:

    “It is true that there is (and has been for a considerable time) compulsory education and, as the judge said, perhaps children now grow up more quickly. But better formal education and earlier sophistication do not guarantee that the child will more readily distinguish right from wrong.”[40]


    Echoing this comment from Lord Lowry is the suggestion that “... in view of the association between truancy and offending and the recent sharp rise in school exclusion, that many of the children concerned have in practice failed to benefit from universal compulsory education.”[41]

    Young children should in principle be exempt from prosecution


    3.31 It is clear from the outline of prosecution policy given earlier in this chapter that, while children between the ages of seven and 14 are liable to be prosecuted under the law as it stands, the majority of criminal cases involving children below the age of 10 years have been dealt with by alternatives other than prosecution. Many of these cases are dealt with by the PSDS. It can thus be argued that prosecution policy has in fact tacitly recognised the inappropriateness and undesirability of subjecting young children to criminal proceedings which are essentially designed for adult offenders. Advocates for the raising of the minimum age of criminal responsibility suggest that what is needed is for the law to be amended to reflect the practice by raising the minimum age.

    No significant crime committed by young children


    3.32 The figures contained in the following Table are computed from statistical data provided by the Police for the purposes of illustrating the total number of persons aged between seven and 14 arrested from 1993 to 1997.

    Persons aged 7 - 14 arrested for crime from 1993 to 1997
    (by age at arrest)


    agecp00.jpg



    3.33 It is significant to note that in each of the years from 1993 to 1997, less than 1% of the total number of arrested persons aged between seven and 14 years of age are seven-year-olds. The equivalent percentage for eight-year-olds is less than 2%, and for nine-year-olds, less than 3% of the total number of arrested persons falling within the ages of seven to 14 years. Similar findings can be reached from the statistical data of the following chart provided by the Police, showing the number of persons who were below eighteen years of age at the time of their arrest in the period from January to June 1998.

    agecp01.jpg



    3.34 These statistics show that, in reality, young children at or below the age of nine pose very little threat to law and order. In the circumstances, it is argued that the law should reflect this reality and adjust the minimum age of criminal responsibility to a more appropriate age to ensure that young children who pose no substantial threat to society should not be subject to the full rigour of criminal proceedings.

    The present minimum age is inconsistent with other legislative provisions which protect children up to the age of 14


    3.35 Critics of the present minimum age point out that it is inconsistent with the general tenor of most legislative provisions involving children in Hong Kong, which recognise that special provision must be made for young children to reflect their lack of maturity and judgment. In view of the relatively young age the law has fixed for criminal responsibility to commence, it has been observed that the situation in Hong Kong is ironical as “people may be deemed too young for some activities, yet old enough for others”[42]

    3.36 A convenient summary of the different definitions adopted in Hong Kong’s legislation for “child” is provided in the Report to the UN:

    “The Age of Majority (Related Provision) Ordinance (Cap. 410) provides for a person generally to attain majority at the age of 18. Consequential legislative amendments have been made to enable a person who has attained the age of 18 to make testamentary dispositions, act as a co-trustee and guarantor, be qualified to assume the duties of a company director and enter contracts.... The Rules of the Supreme Court provide that a person under 18 cannot sue or be sued in his own name in civil proceedings: he sues by his ‘next friend’ and is sued in the name of his ‘guardian ad litem’ ... All children aged between six and 15 are required by law to attend school.... Under the Crimes Ordinance (Cap 200), the minimum age of consent for sexual acts is 16 years for heterosexual acts and 21 years for homosexual acts.... The Marriage Ordinance (Chapter 181) provides that the minimum age at which persons may marry is 16. Parental consent is required if the person intending to marry is under the age of 21 years.... The Criminal Procedure Ordinance (Chapter 221) and the Evidence Ordinance (Chapter 8) provide for special procedures to be adopted for the giving of evidence in court by witnesses under 14 years of age. Under the Criminal Procedure Ordinance, the special procedures apply to witnesses under 17 years of age in relation to offences of sexual abuse.... The Criminal Procedure Ordinance (Chapter 221) provides for testimony from a child witness to be given through closed circuit television from a place outside the courtroom by way of a video-recording of an interview.... The Evidence Ordinance (Chapter 8) provides that the evidence of a child under 14 years of age shall be given unsworn. Corroboration from other material evidence is not necessary for a conviction nor is it required that a jury be warned against convicting an accused on the uncorroborated evidence of a child.... The Juvenile Offenders Ordinance (Chapter 226) contains further provisions protecting the privacy of children who are involved in court proceedings....”[43]


    3.37 It is argued that the present application of criminal responsibility at the age of seven is inconsistent with the protection afforded to children in a wide range of other legal provisions, and should accordingly be revised upwards.

    Adequate alternatives to criminal prosecution already available


    3.38 Raising the age of criminal responsibility would not prompt an increase in juvenile crime by those no longer falling within the net of criminal liability. There already exist alternatives to prosecution which enable unruly children to be brought under control. For example, the Protection of Children and Juveniles Ordinance (Cap. 213) (the PCJO) is designed to protect children and juveniles who are in need of care or protection. Under section 34(2)(d) of the PCJO, a child or juvenile in need of care and protection is one “who is beyond control, to the extent that harm may be caused to him or to others”. Thus, a child who is beneath the age of criminal responsibility may nonetheless be susceptible to control under section 34(1) of the PCJO:

    “A juvenile court, on its own motion or upon the application of the Director of Social Welfare or any person authorized by the Director of Social Welfare in writing in that behalf either generally or specially or of any police officer upon being satisfied that any person of or above the age of 7 years brought before the court or any other person under the age of 7 years is a child or juvenile in need of care or protection, may:-

    (a) appoint the Director of Social Welfare to be the legal guardian of such child or juvenile; or
    (b) commit him to the care of any person whether a relative or not, who is willing to undertake the care of him, or of any institution which is so willing; or
    (c) order his parent or guardian to enter into recognizance to exercise proper care and guardianship; or
    (d) without making such order or in addition to making an order under paragraph (b) or (c), make an order placing him for a specific period, not exceeding 3 years under the supervision of a person appointed for the purpose of the court”.


    3.39 The raising of the minimum age of criminal responsibility would not result in children between the age of seven and the new, higher, age being left uncontrolled. Orders would be available under the PCJO, which may in any case be preferable to criminal prosecution as counselling and supervision provided under such orders to young delinquent children may prove more beneficial than a criminal sanction.


    [30] Hong Kong Hansard, Session 72/73, 446 (14 February 1973).
    [31] Initial Report of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in respect of Hong Kong under Article 44 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (the Report to the UN), at 186.
    [32] Cited above, the Report to the UN, at 163.
    [33] Cited above, the Report to the UN, at 186.
    [34] Cited above, the Report to the UN, at 187-188.
    [35] Department of Justice, Prosecution Policy: Guidance For Government Counsel (1998), at 18-19.
    [36] From information provided in a letter and its enclosure dated 26 September 1998 by the Police to the Secretary of the Law Reform Commission, for which the Commission is grateful.
    [37] According to the Police, a person is regarded as a recidivist if he/she is re-arrested for crime within two years from the date of the caution, or before he/she reaches 17 years old (for those arrested after 1st September 1995, before reaching 18 years old), whichever occurs first.
    [38] L M, Archives “Now we are all 10 again”, <http://www.informinc.co.uk/LM/Lm105/LM105 Doli.html>, (Issue 105, 1997) at 2.
    [39] P Cavadino, “Goodbye Doli, Must We Leave You?” (1997) 9, No 2 Child and Family Law Quarterly 165 at 169.
    [40] [1995] 2 WLR 383, at 396.
    [41] Cited above, “Goodbye Doli, Must We Leave You?” at 167.
    [42] B Franklin, The Right of Children, (Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1986), at 7.
    [43] Cited above, the Report to the UN, at 15-18.